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Beyond Gender Neutrality: How Male/Female Narratives in Bulgarian Law Signal Traditionalistic Retreat from Western Values

Updated: Apr 11



When does a nation's legislative attempt to engineer parental equality function not as progress, but as a mechanism signalling a profound allegiance to archaic social structures and a startling rejection of democratic legal principles? The passage of significant amendments to the Bulgarian Family Code concerning parental rights and custody arrangements, around April 2025, throws this question into sharp relief. Marketed under the modernizing guise of gender neutrality, the law's framework—particularly its facilitation of default 50/50 custody arrangements even amidst conflict—demands scrutiny that pierces its superficial claims. Lurking beneath the ostensibly neutral language of "parents" lies a framework built not upon genuine neutrality, but arguably upon its opposite: a deeply embedded, traditionalistic insistence on a sex-based (male/female) understanding of family roles. This legislative direction appears less an advance towards contemporary European legal thought, grounded in individual rights and substantive justice, and more a traditionalistic retreat. Its methodology, prioritizing state-endorsed symmetry derived from this binary over complex realities, positions it as fundamentally anti-Western in its implications, echoing unsettling anti-individualistic trends visible in systems like Russia's.

Feminist legal theory offers a powerful lens for dissecting such paradoxes, revealing how facially neutral laws, imposed upon societies rife with substantive inequality, often entrench existing power hierarchies, especially those grounded in gender (MacKinnon, 1989). The Bulgarian law exemplifies this dynamic, yet goes further: its core absurdity seems rooted not just in disparate impact, but in a methodology fundamentally rejecting neutrality from the outset. Its reliance on a rigid formula over individualized, evidence-based assessment—the hallmark of child-centric jurisprudence—appears predicated on enforcing a specific, traditional family structure requiring both male and female parental figures. Such "gender-neutral" language thus functions as a calculated facade, conveniently ignoring the deeply gendered patterns of primary caregiving, the prevalence of male-perpetrated domestic violence (Stark, 2007), and significant post-separation economic disparities. By treating parents as interchangeable units defined implicitly by their required sex roles within this structure, the law actively erases the relevance of these critical factors, reinforcing traditional power dynamics inherent in a patriarchal system. This deliberate reliance on an archaic, sex-based binary stands in direct opposition to the evolution of Western legal thought towards recognizing social construction (Butler, 1990) and demanding substantive, not merely formal, equality (Fredman, 2016).


Across geopolitical fault lines today, a concerning pattern emerges: family law becomes a symbolic arena where state narratives promoting "traditional values" clash with principles of liberal individualism and universal human rights (Kuhar & Paternotte, 2017). Does the Bulgarian legislative initiative fit this pattern of traditionalistic entrenchment? Its insistence on a formula over individualized judicial assessment certainly undermines core Western values centered on human dignity, autonomy, and the rule of law demanding tailored justice. Prioritizing an idealized, implicitly sex-based family model over the actual well-being of children represents a clear departure from pluralistic democratic principles. This methodology finds disquieting parallels in the modern Russian legal system's trajectory. Russia's state-sponsored promotion of "traditional family values," explicitly defined against Western liberalism and enshrined in laws reinforcing rigid male/female roles while restricting LGBTQ+ rights (Human Rights Watch, 2023; Amnesty International, 2022), demonstrably subordinates individual human rights and substantive equality to state ideology (Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, 2021). While distinct contexts, the Bulgarian law's method—using family law to enforce a state-preferred social model via rigid norms founded on a sex-based binary, overriding individual circumstances—reveals a disturbing convergence in its rejection of neutrality and its potential anti-individualistic outcomes.

Navigating the chasm between Bulgaria's purported legal modernisation and its substantive alignment with potentially regressive ideologies thus demands a critical dissection of the amendment's foundational logic and profound implications. Unpacking this legislation reveals a driving narrative seemingly rooted in traditionalism, cloaked in the misleading language of equality, a narrative that fundamentally contradicts established principles of international child rights law (UNCRC, 1989; UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2013), European human rights standards (ECHR; ECtHR jurisprudence, e.g., Sahin v. Germany, 2003), and core EU values (TEU Art 2). An exploration of its methodology, built upon a sex-based premise rather than genuine neutrality, exposes echoes of anti-individualistic trends. An analysis of its likely impact unveils significant risks for children's welfare and the reinforcement of patriarchal structures stemming directly from this anti-neutral, traditionalist core. The subsequent analysis will delve into these conflicts, examining the collision with the child's best interests, the erosion of ECHR guarantees and judicial integrity, the departure from democratic values and substantive equality, the mechanics of the traditionalist narrative rejecting Western legal fundamentals, and the reinforcement of gendered hierarchies, ultimately positioning this legislation not as progress, but as a dangerous retreat driven by its fundamental opposition to genuine gender neutrality.


The Cornerstone Demolished: Individuality Sacrificed at the Altar of Formula


Imagine the 'best interests of the child' principle (United Nations, 1989) as that finely tuned compass, designed to navigate towards child well-being. Yet, Bulgaria's law appears to discard this compass, seemingly convinced that a child's true North lies only where the parental poles are rigidly defined by sex – male and female. This approach fundamentally misinterprets the principle's demand for a holistic, individualized assessment focused on the unique child (UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2013), reflecting instead a societal preference for a specific family structure. It actively ignores the insights of legal scholars like Martha Fineman (2000) who stress the need for law to engage with human dependency and vulnerability, rather than imposing abstract ideals derived from a sex-based traditional model. The substitution of careful assessment with a predetermined formula thus becomes an act of prioritizing ideological structure over the individual child's rights and needs.

What occurs when legal architecture attempts to impose rigid symmetry onto the asymmetrical realities of human relationships and care? As Catherine MacKinnon’s (1989) work suggests, such attempts often mask the entrenchment of existing power structures. The 50/50 formula, far from being neutral, becomes a tool that erases crucial context – histories of gendered conflict (Stark, 2007), established primary caregiving roles, economic disparities – precisely because these realities challenge the simplistic male/female symmetry the law seeks to impose. This erasure serves the traditionalist narrative, not individualized justice. Furthermore, the law's implicit rejection of the fluidity and social construction of gender roles, as explored by Judith Butler (1990), locks families into a rigid framework fundamentally opposed to the flexible, context-sensitive approach required to respect autonomy and lived experience, demonstrating its anti-neutral stance.


Consider the tangible evidence from developmental science regarding children caught in parental conflict. A vast body of research consistently demonstrates the detrimental impact of instability and hostility on children's well-being (e.g., Amato & Keith, 1991; Kelly, 2000). Secure attachments and predictable environments are paramount (Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth et al., 1978; Sroufe, 2005). How, then, can a law presume that a 50/50 split, potentially maximizing exposure to conflict or disrupting primary attachments, serves a child's interest, especially those affected by trauma (van der Kolk, 2014)? This legislative choice appears to wilfully ignore scientific evidence, suggesting its primary commitment is not to evidence-based child welfare (Haugaard, 2017) but to enforcing its underlying sex-based, traditionalist model of mandatory biparental presence, regardless of the psychological cost.


Eroding Human Rights and the Rule of Law: ECHR and Judicial Integrity Under Siege


How resilient are fundamental human rights protections when confronted by domestic legislation driven by traditionalist ideology rather than principles of neutrality and individual assessment? The European Convention on Human Rights (Council of Europe, 1950) provides the critical benchmark. Article 8 requires state actions impacting family life to be necessary, proportionate, and crucially, guided by the child's best interests in custody matters (ECtHR, Sahin v. Germany, 2003; Neulinger and Shuruk v. Switzerland, 2010). A law that promotes a rigid 50/50 outcome, potentially disregarding evidence of harm stemming from conflict patterns sometimes linked to traditional masculinity norms (Kimmel, 2008), arguably fails the proportionality test and prevents courts from fulfilling their Article 8 duty to protect the child within the specific family context. It represents a structural impediment to the nuanced balancing required by the Convention, favouring the enforcement of a sex-based parental structure over genuine protection.


Observe the insidious effect on procedural justice. Article 6 of the ECHR guarantees a fair hearing by an impartial tribunal, ensuring equality of arms (ECtHR, Dombo Beheer B.V. v. Netherlands, 1993). Can a tribunal truly be impartial, or can parties genuinely achieve equality of arms, when the law itself establishes a powerful presumption favouring one specific outcome based on an underlying sex-based ideology? The very structure potentially biases the proceedings against those whose circumstances deviate from the mandated norm, effectively silencing vulnerable voices (Tobin, 2011) and undermining the core tenets of procedural fairness recognized across Europe (Fehlberg et al., 2011). This procedural deficit stems directly from the law's rejection of neutrality.


Is the independent judge merely an administrator of legislative directives, or a crucial interpreter ensuring justice within the rule of law? Democratic legal theory emphasizes the latter, valuing judicial discretion as essential for applying principles to unique facts (Dicey, 1885; Raz, 1979; Dworkin, 1986). Bulgaria's law, by severely curtailing this discretion in favour of a rigid formula derived from its sex-based traditionalism, fundamentally attacks this principle. It prevents judges from tailoring orders to complex realities, including situations of severe risk like domestic violence, which require specific, protective responses mandated by instruments like the Istanbul Convention (Council of Europe, 2011). This systemic inflexibility, born from its anti-neutral core, also sabotages the potential of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR). Why pursue collaborative, child-focused solutions (Parkinson, 2011) when the law offers a simple, albeit potentially unjust, default rooted in enforcing traditional parental roles?

Democratic Values Forsaken: EU Principles, Equality, and Authoritarian Echoes


A stark philosophical clash emerges when the Bulgarian law's premises are held against the foundational values of the European Union (TEU Art 2). Can a legal system committed to human dignity, individual freedom, and substantive equality truly endorse a methodology that imposes a uniform family structure based on sex, overriding individual needs and circumstances? Critical perspectives insist that authentic justice must be responsive to vulnerability and power differentials (hooks, 2000). A universal 50/50 formula, stemming from a traditionalist sex-based logic rather than genuine neutrality, inherently fails this test, sacrificing individual dignity to abstract symmetry and thus diverging fundamentally from core EU values.


Consider the profound difference between formal parity and substantive equality. The Bulgarian legislation achieves the former – a numerical split between two parental positions defined implicitly by sex – but actively undermines the latter, a key objective of EU policy (Directive 2006/54/EC) and progressive legal thought (Fredman, 2016). By ignoring the intersectional realities of gender, class, and caregiving history (Crenshaw, 1991; Bianchi et al., 2012) and the often-crippling economic disparities post-separation (OECD, 2019), the law ensures that its "equality" translates into substantive inequality and hardship, particularly for women. This demonstrates its opposition to genuine gender equality, favouring instead the reinforcement of traditional sex-based roles.


What political systems typically prioritize state-imposed uniformity and ideological conformity over individual rights and judicial process? The methodology embedded in Bulgaria's law – legislative mandate derived from a sex-based traditionalist ideology overriding specific facts – resonates uncomfortably with practices in authoritarian regimes (Linz, 2000; Ginsburg & Moustafa, 2008). This approach represents an excessive state intrusion into family autonomy (Archard, 2010), rejecting the liberal democratic principle that state power should be exercised flexibly and proportionately, particularly in the private sphere. Its anti-neutral, prescriptive nature aligns it methodologically with systems where individual rights are subordinate to state ideology.


The Narrative of Return: Legislating Traditionalism and Abandoning Western Legal Fundamentals


Why would an EU nation adopt family legislation seemingly running counter to prevailing European legal trends? One powerful explanation lies in the mobilization of a political narrative championing a 'return' to traditional values, often framed explicitly against Western liberal norms regarding gender, family diversity, and individual autonomy (Kuhar & Paternotte, 2017). Within this narrative, the mandatory 50/50 custody framework ceases to be about practical child welfare; instead, it becomes a symbolic tool for legislatively reasserting the primacy of the traditional family structure, defined implicitly but rigidly by the presence of both a male father and a female mother.


Listen to the underlying message: the rhetoric likely emphasizes parental obligation and the societal need for this specific sex-based family model, thereby marginalizing or delegitimizing other family forms increasingly accepted in Western societies (Powell et al., 2010). The child within this narrative becomes instrumentalized – their well-being is conflated with conformity to the ideologically preferred structure, overriding any individualized assessment of their actual needs or safety. The pursuit of this traditionalist vision then necessitates a conscious abandonment of core Western legal principles. The rule of law's demand for individualized justice must yield to the formula. Substantive gender equality, with its inconvenient truths about historical disadvantage (Fredman, 2016; Crenshaw, 1991; Goldscheid, 2013), must be replaced by a formalistic symmetry that serves the sex-based model. Decades of child-centric international law (UNCRC, 1989) are sidelined. The superficially "gender-neutral" term "parent" thus becomes a crucial rhetorical device, masking the law's fundamental opposition to neutrality and its commitment to re-inscribing traditional sex-based roles and paternal authority.


Patriarchal Structures Reinforced: The Gendered Impact of Abstract Equality and the Archaic Male/Female Binary


Imagine law as not just rules, but as a force shaping social reality. What reality does the Bulgarian 50/50 law construct? By grounding itself in an archaic male/female binary, rejecting genuine neutrality, it actively reinforces patriarchal structures, as decades of feminist legal critique would predict (MacKinnon, 1989; Bartlett, 1990). This sex-based foundation, blind to contemporary understandings of gender (Butler, 1990; Halley, 2006), inevitably translates abstract "parental rights" into concrete disadvantages for those outside traditional power structures. As Julie Goldscheid (2013) argues, prioritizing abstract rights over demonstrable safety systematically disempowers women and children, particularly where domestic violence – a profoundly gendered phenomenon (Stark, 2007; Douglas, 2017; CEDAW, 1992; Council of Europe, 2011) – is present. The law's rigid adherence to its binary logic prevents it from adequately protecting victims, aligning it functionally with patriarchal systems that minimize male violence and control. This anti-neutral, sex-based approach stands in stark contrast to Western legal systems striving, however imperfectly, for inclusivity and protection beyond traditional gender roles (see ECtHR, Oliari and Others v. Italy, 2015).


What are the human costs of enforcing connection based on biological ties rather than relational quality within this sex-based framework? When the law mandates equal time, effectively ignoring patterns of conflict potentially linked to toxic masculinity norms (Kimmel, 2008), it doesn't magically foster healthy relationships. Instead, it risks condemning children to ongoing exposure to hostility, manipulation, and loyalty conflicts known to inflict severe and lasting psychological harm (Johnston et al., 2005). The very foundation of the law – its insistence on the necessity of both male and female parental figures regardless of relational reality – prevents it from prioritizing the child's need for emotional safety. This outcome, where state power enforces potentially damaging relationships based on an archaic sex-based ideology, resonates with the logic of totalitarian control over the intimate sphere (Arendt, 1951).


Finally, witness the symbolic erasure performed by this legislation. Reducing parental contribution to quantifiable time slots inherently devalues the qualitative, relational labour of primary caregiving – work still disproportionately performed by women and central to care ethics (Noddings, 1984; Tronto, 1993). This devaluation flows directly from the law's sex-based, patriarchal foundation, which implicitly privileges the abstract 'right' associated with the traditional male role over the concrete 'responsibility' associated with the traditional female role. It perfectly illustrates Martha Fineman’s (2000) critique of legal systems built on autonomy myths that fail to support dependency work. The Bulgarian law, opposed to neutrality and rooted in this archaic male/female binary, thus perpetuates a system where care burdens are unequal, but rights are claimed symmetrically, solidifying its status as a regressive force against modern understandings of gender, care, and substantive equality (hooks, 2000).


Conclusion: A Deliberate Turn from Progress Towards Regression


A stark contradiction lies exposed at the conclusion of this analysis: Bulgaria's Family Code amendments, presented perhaps as a step towards modern parental equality, function instead as a profound and deliberate regression, fundamentally opposed to genuine gender neutrality and rooted in an archaic, sex-based traditionalism. This legislative framework constitutes a dangerous absurdity, actively dismantling the cornerstone principle of the child's best interests painstakingly established in international law (UNCRC, 1989; UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, 2013) and ignoring critical insights from developmental science (Kelly, 2000; Sroufe, 2005). Its methodology, favouring rigid formulae over individualized assessment, directly erodes core human rights guarantees enshrined in the ECHR (Art 6, Art 8; relevant ECtHR jurisprudence) and attacks the integrity of the rule of law by nullifying essential judicial discretion (violating tenets discussed by Raz, 1979; Dworkin, 1986).


This legislative direction stands in clear opposition to foundational EU values (TEU Art 2) promoting human dignity and substantive, rather than merely formal, equality (Fredman, 2016), proving incapable of addressing complex intersectional realities (Crenshaw, 1991). Its state-centric, top-down imposition of a uniform family model based on sex echoes authoritarian methodologies (Linz, 2000), marking a disturbing departure from liberal democratic principles of family autonomy (Archard, 2010). Underpinning this structure is a potent traditionalist narrative that necessitates the rejection of Western legal evolution towards inclusivity and rights beyond the male/female binary (Butler, 1990). As feminist jurisprudence reveals (MacKinnon, 1989; Goldscheid, 2013), this anti-neutral, sex-based framework reinforces patriarchal power, places vulnerable individuals at risk (Stark, 2007; Council of Europe, 2011), poisons parent-child relationships (Johnston et al., 2005), and devalues the ethics of care (Noddings, 1984; Tronto, 1993; Fineman, 2000). Ultimately, this Bulgarian law positions itself not within the trajectory of progressive European legal development, but aligns perilously with anti-Western, traditionalist, and patriarchal models, sacrificing the safety, well-being, and rights of children on the altar of a regressive ideology.s.


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 Sources and related content

Commenti


Why We Created the Pluto Society

Britain faces a profound educational crisis, jeopardizing our economic future and global standing. It's a crisis of values, purpose, and preparedness, leaving us dangerously exposed in a world defined by rapid technological change and intense global competition. Our education system is failing to deliver the skilled workforce and visionary leaders Britain needs to thrive.

This failure is fueled by an ideological distortion within many schools and universities. Instead of fostering critical thinking, merit, and a love of learning, institutions often prioritize collectivist ideologies and a relentless, self-accusatory critique of Western civilization. This paradox – undermining our own foundations at a time of unprecedented global challenges – has tangible and alarming consequences.

The global leadership gap is widening. Three out of four businesses worldwide (75%) report a significant shortfall in leadership talent, particularly in high-tech fields like AI. This isn't just a hiring problem; it's a crisis of potential. The World Economic Forum forecasts over 85 million unfilled jobs globally by 2030 due to skills shortages, representing an estimated $8.5 trillion in lost productivity.

The UK is acutely affected. We face a projected shortfall of 2.5 million highly skilled workers by 2030, alongside an oversupply of 8 million workers with inadequate skills. This mismatch could cost the UK economy £120 billion – equivalent to four years of economic growth. Job vacancies are at record highs (1.2 million), with nearly one in four jobs effectively inaccessible due to skills shortages. 80% of UK employers report that graduates lack essential work-ready skills, requiring costly remedial training.

While Britain stagnates, our competitors surge ahead. China produces millions of STEM graduates annually and leads the world in AI-related patents, having filed six times more than the US in recent years. Their integration of AI into all levels of society, including education, is treated as a national security priority. Nations like South Korea, Japan, and Finland demonstrate the economic benefits of rigorous educational standards, prioritizing STEM, and valuing teachers. UK students, meanwhile, have seen their lowest PISA scores in maths and science since 2006, falling far behind top performers.

We are losing the global race for talent, and the consequences are dire. We face a future where a lack of skilled workers and visionary leaders undermines our economic competitiveness, national security, and global influence. The very institutions meant to prepare future generations are, through misguided priorities and ideological capture, actively contributing to this decline.

But why "Pluto," and what does "Abyssus Custos" mean?

"Abyssus Custos," a Latin phrase, translates to "Guardian of the Abyss." In the context of the British constitutional tradition, it refers to a reserve power – a safeguard – that exists to prevent a catastrophic collapse of the legal and political order. It's a power embodied in the British Monarchy. The monarchy stands as a vital guarantor of the rule of law, a framework that has historically secured – a liberal social system based on democraty, market-oriented economics, free trade, individual initiative, and individual human rights. We believe we are facing a potential "abyss" today: a crisis in education, a weakening of civilizational identity, and a growing threat from those who actively undermine these very foundations. The Pluto Society aims to be a guardian against this encroaching threat. The name "Pluto" originates from Roman mythology, symbolizing Pluto's rule over the unseen realm and his role as the last line of defense. Similarly, the Pluto Society aims to tackle the hidden threats threatening our society.

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